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[Announce-DAN] Reminder: Thursday Night Walden Bello Speaks in Denver
- Date: Wed, 01 Nov 2000 02:32:37 GMT
- From: "david martin" <p_hayze@hotmail.com>
- Subject: [Announce-DAN] Reminder: Thursday Night Walden Bello Speaks in Denver
DEGLOBALIZATION: Toward an Internationalism that Supports Human Community
and the Diversity of Life
By Walden Bello
2000 Global Justice and Peace Award Winner
author of Dark Victory: The United States and Global Poverty
Keynote Speech at
The Denver Justice and Peace Committee’s
16th Annual Awards Night Celebration
Thursday, November 2, 2000
6:30pm Reception
7pm Ceremony
$10 in advance, $12 at the door
(students $5 in advance, and $6 at the door)
First Mennonite Church
9th and Elati (South on Elati from the intersection of 11th and Speer
just east of West High School)
Walden Bello is one of the most powerful voices from the Global South
against corporate globalization. His intellectual work and activism have
inspired the growing movement against the WTO, IMF and World Bank. Over 20
years ago (before the destructive influence of the World Bank had penetrated
most of our consciousnesses) Walden and his colleagues obtained internal
documents of the World Bank that exposed the corrupt relationship of the
Bank to the Marcos dictatorship in the Phillippines.
Ever since Walden has been known as one of the most vocal and articulate
critics of the IMF/World Bank cum WTO globalization. His voice rang through
the rallies of the movement for global economic justice in Seattle, DC,
Melbourne, and Prague. Now he will educate and inspire us this Thursday
night in Denver. You don’t want to miss this!!!
Walden is Executive Director of Focus on the Global South and a Professor of
Public Adminstration and Sociology at the University of the Philippines. He
serves on the board of Food First, 50 Years is Enough Network, Geenpeace
Southeast Asia, and the Transnational Institute.
Walden is author of the following books: Development Debacle: The World Bank
in the Philippines, Dragons in Distress: Asia's Miracle in Crisis, and Dark
Victory: The United States and Global poverty. He has a Ph.D in political
sociology from Princeton University. The website for Focus on the Global
South is http://focusweb.org/.
In Solidarity,
David Martin
Executive Director
Denver Justice and Peace Committee
901 West 14th St, Suite 7
Denver, CO 80204
tel. 303-623-1463
fax 303-623-3492
e-mail: p_hayze@hotmail.com
website: www.djpc.org
The Prague Castle Debate: A Few Questions for Mr. Wolfensohn and Mr. Kohler
by Walden Bello
On September 23, 2000, President Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic hosted
an historic debate between the heads of the IMF and World Bank and their
critics. The event took place at the historic Prague Castle—immortalized in
Franz Kafka’s allegoric tale The Castle—a few days before the World Bank-IMF
annual meeting in the Czech capital.
The following is an edited composite version of the Walden Bello’s two
lengthy interventions during the debate:
I never thought I would be sitting so close to Jim Wolfensohn, President of
the World Bank. I guess this is what you call combat in close.
The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have avoided a real
debate with their critics in civil society for a long time. Today, the
representatives of these two institutions are here, partly because of
President Havel’s moral suasion, partly because they realize that, with
their two institutions suffering an unparalleled crisis of legitimacy—the
worst in their 56-year history, in fact—the old strategy of denial and
non-confrontation no longer works.
In this brief presentation, let me tackle four myths propagated by the Bank
and the Fund, and end with questions to Mr. Kohler and Mr. Wolfensohn:
Myth No. 1: The World Bank and IMF are proponents of “good governance.”
Fact: For the greater part of the last 30 years, the Fund and the Bank have
been intimately associated with very corrupt governments and human rights
violators. What did the Brazilian military dictatorship, Ferdinand Marcos,
Gen. Pinochet, the PRI government in Mexico, and the Suharto regime have in
common?
They were all governments or heads of governments that were designated by
the World Bank as “countries of concentration”--that is, countries to which
the flow of Bank resources was greater than to other countries of similar
size and income.
Over the last 30 years, over $30 billion in World Bank funds found its way
to the Suharto dictatorship. According to several reports, including a World
Bank internal report in 1999, the Bank tolerated corruption, accorded
factual status to false government statistics, legitimized the dictatorship
by passing it off as a model for other countries, and was complacent about
the state of human rights and the economy. This happened under your watch,
Mr. Wolfensohn, and the people of Indonesia will never forgive the Bank.
Myth No. 2: The IMF and the World Bank are concerned with the degradation of
the environment.
Fact: Again and again, studies of the impact of IMF-World Bank structural
adjustment programs have shown that, by institutionalizing stagnation and
high poverty levels, they have been among the biggest contributors to
environmental degradation in developing countries. In my country, the
Philippines, for instance, so deep was the crisis triggered in the
mid-1980’s by structural adjustment in both the countryside and the cities
that the population flow shifted away from the cities to open access
forests, watersheds, and artisanal fisheries, severely destabilizing them in
the process. Studies show that by the early nineties, the top 15 Third World
debtors--all of which were subjected to structural adjustment--had tripled
the rate of the exploitation of their forests since the late 1970s, a
phenomenon that was undoubtedly caused by the adjustment program’s pushing
countries to rapidly increase their export earnings to pay off the foreign
debt.
It is not sensitivity to the environment that is demonstrated by Mr.
Wolfensohn and the World Bank management’s unyielding support for the
Chad-Cameroon Pipeline, which will seriously damage ecologically sensitive
rainforests like Cameroon’s Atlantic Littoral Forest. It is not concern for
the environment that was revealed by the World Bank’s violation of its own
rules on environmental assessment, involuntary resettlement, indigenous
peoples, and environmental assessment in its failed attempt to push through
the China Western Poverty Project that would have transformed an arid
ecosystem supporting Tibetan and Mongolian sheepherders into land for
settled agriculture for Chinese migrants.
A look at the Bank’s loan portfolio would reveal the reality behind the
rhetoric: loans for the environment as a total of the Bank’s total loan
portfolio declined from 3.6 per cent in FY 1994 to 1.02 per cent in 1998;
funds allocated to environmental projects declined by 32.7 per cent between
1998 and 1999; and more than half of all lending by the World Bank’s private
sector divisions in 1998 was for environmentally harmful projects like
mining, roads, and power.
Indeed, so marginalized is the Bank’s environmental staff within the
bureaucracy that Herman Daly, the distinguished ecological economist, left
the Bank staff because he felt he and other in-house environmentalists were
having very little impact on Bank policy.
Myth No. 3: The Fund and the Bank are dedicated to combating poverty.
Fact: The opposite is true: the IMF and the Bank are central to creating
poverty.
Structural adjustment programs imposed on over 90 developing and transition
economies in the last 20 years have institutionalized economic stagnation,
increased poverty, and exacerbated inequality in these areas. A recent World
Bank study, in fact, admits that poverty worsened in the 1990’s in Eastern
Europe, Subsaharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and South
Asia—all regions which have come under the sway of World Bank-IMF adjustment
programs. Indeed, so bad was the record of adjustment programs that the IMF
renamed the Extended Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) the Poverty
Reduction and Growth Facility during the World Bank-IMF meeting in September
1999. So devoid of success was the structural adjustment approach that Larry
Summers, the US Treasury Secretary, who, as chief economist of the Bank in
the early 1990’s, was a partisan of adjusment, admitted to the US Congress
last year that it was time to shelve the “IMF-centered” macroeconomic
approach because it just was not working.
Recently, the IMF has been busy creating poverty in East Asia. There is now
a consensus that the harsh program of high interest rates and budget
cutbacks imposed by the Fund turned an economic crisis into a full-blown
recession that saw negative growth rates in Thailand, Indonesia, and South
Korea accompanied by a sharp rise in unemployment and the poverty rate. At
least 1 million people fell into poverty in Thailand and 21 million in
Indonesia. In Korea, the trend of declining poverty rates between 1975 and
1995 was sharply reversed in 1998, and the recession led to a suicide rate
in 1998 that was 59.4 higher than in 1997.
As for the World Bank, the truth about Mr. Wolfensohn’s crusade to end
global poverty was revealed by the findings of the bipartisan Meltzer
Commission mandated by the US Congress to look at the record of the Bretton
Woods institutions: 70 per cent of the Bank’s non-grant lending is
concentrated in 11 countries, with 145 other member countries left to
scramble for the remaining 30 per cent; 80 per cent of the Bank’s resources
are devoted not to the poorest developing countries but to the better off
countries that have positive credit ratings and can raise their funds in
private capital markets; the failure rate of Bank projects is 65-70 per cent
in the poorest countries and 55-60 per cent in all developing countries.
So why does the Bank continue to pontificate about going about its “noble
mission” to end poverty? Because it has learned from Joseph Goebbels that a
lie repeated often enough eventually attains the status of truth.
Myth No. 4. The Fund and the World Bank are actively soliciting the help of
civil society.
The truth is that the World Bank and IMF are mainly interested in using
civil society to legitimize their unchanged approaches via consultations
that are really monologues. The Bank and the Fund are more interested in
splitting civil society opposition to their projects, and they do this by
branding some civil society groups as “reasonable NGO’s” and their more
militant critics as “unreasonable NGO’s” interested only in “closing down
discussion.” Certainly, dialogue with NGO’s was not the intent of
Mr.Wolfensohn when he avoided debate on the merits and demerits of the Chad
Cameroon Pipeline in favor of a strategy of name-calling by branding
opponents of the project as the “Berkeley Mafia.”
Let me end by addressing the question: Are the Fund and the Bank capable of
reform? I think we will know the answer from Mr. Kohler and Mr. Wolfensohn’s
answers to the following questions:
- Mr. Kohler, do you propose to give greater decisionmaking power in the IMF
Board to the developing countries? Will you do this by diluting the voting
power of the United States and the European Union countries that now
dominate the board?
- Mr. Kohler, will you propose ending the medieval and non- transparent
practice of the IMF always being headed by a European?
- Mr. Wolfensohn, will you advocate doing away with the equally medieval and
non-transparent tradition of always having an American head the World Bank?
I would like to remind the audience that had Mr. Wolfensohn not given up his
Australian citizenship to become an American, he would never have become
head of the Bank.
- Mr. Wolfensohn, why did you not stand by your chief economist Joe Stiglitz
and allow that powerful voice of reform to be pushed out of his staff
position and later from his advisory role by influential conservative forces
both within and without the Bank?
- Mr. Wolfensohn, what about Ravi Kanbur, who headed the World Development
Report Project? Why did you not stand by this advocate of reform and allow
the conservative forces in the Bank to stonewall him and leave him no other
option but resignation?
So far, what we have been told here today is that Mr. Wolfensohn feels good
about going to work everyday and that Mr. Kohler also has a heart. This
frothy stuff is not the response that we in civil society are looking for
today. We want hard answers to hard questions. Please.
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