"Stanchfield and Hawkins are united..." ;&^)

[Ron Stanchfield <Ronin@Hamptons.com>(by way of John Burritt <jburritt@paonia.com>)]

Ithaca Times Article
by Coy Barefoot


Ralph Nader may not have won the White House - or even come close to it - 
but he is upbeat, nonetheless. The veteran consumer advocate and former 
Green Party candidate has got his party-building hat on and is looking 
forward to a bright, Green, future.

"Good things are happening," says Nader, talking late last week from his 
office in Washington. "We're doing fundraisers, getting people involved. 
We're looking to set up more offices and hire staff. Our focus now is to 
build the Green Party around the country, build a pro-democracy movement."

Nader received nearly three million votes in the recent presidential 
election, signifying an unmistakable base of support for the Green Party's 
vision. In Tompkins County alone, he garnered a whopping 11.3 % of the 
popular vote - the highest for any county in the state. Nader was 
relentless, and virtually alone among the field of candidates, in drawing 
attention to the dangers of excessive corporate power in America, even 
though Democratic Party operatives worked overtime to squelch his message. 
When the dust settled the Green Party had become the third largest 
political party in the country.

The bad news is that despite aggressive campaigning (he was the only 
presidential candidate to visit all fifty states, which he did twice), 
Nader fell short of the 5% of the electoral vote that would have meant 
millions in federal matching funds for the Green Party in 2004. We ask 
Nader if he thinks the Green Party will go the way of most other third 
parties in American history, withering away or, at best, having its issues 
co-opted by the two major parties and marginalized into nothingness.

"No way," he says flatly. "That's not going to happen to the Greens. The 
Greens are not a one-issue party. They're a pro-democracy party. We're 
talking about labor law, consumer protection, the environment, 
globalization issues, anti-corporate welfare, redirection of public 
budgets, progressive taxation, et cetera. This is one third party that has 
a much broader array of fundamental issues and substantive polices than the 
two major parties combined. So they've insulated themselves from that 
historic up and down that most third parties have faced."

Despite the optimism, Nader admits that change will not come easily. "It's 
much harder to get things done in Washington now, than it was when I first 
came here over thirty years ago," he sighs. "The whole progressive 
community's never been able to achieve less because the civil society we 
represent is being closed out. The two parties are becoming a corporate 
party with two heads indentured to the same corporate money - deeper and 
deeper every year. They're basically closing the doors on us - Congress, 
the courts, regulatory agencies, you name it. Most progressives don't want 
to admit this. You don't want to admit that you're working harder and 
harder for less and less, but we have to face up to it. I certainly would 
never have predicted the decline of democracy over the last thirty years. 
But that's what we're seeing."

When asked why he and other progressives don't throw in the towel, Nader 
replies: "Because when the going gets tough, the tough get going."

Is it that simple? I ask.

"Yes, absolutely. No surrender. No white flags."

Nader is joined in his commitment by a spate of progressive leaders around 
New York who are busy at work building the Green Party movement that he 
spoke so much about during the campaign.

A Clear Signal

Mark Dunau's 50-acre organic farm hugs the side of a narrow valley just 
south of the Cannonsville Reservoir in Delaware County, Catskill country. A 
former Manhattan playwright, 48-year-old Dunau is a well-known political 
activist and was recently the Green Party's candidate for US Senate.

In his bid for office in New York - running in the most expensive Senate 
race in U.S. history - Mark Dunau placed a disappointing fourth behind 
Hillary Clinton, Rick Lazio, and Independence Party candidate Jeff Graham. 
Though there were significant wins for Greens in local offices around the 
country, New York state could not lay claim to any. But like other 
progressives, Dunau is not deterred by the results of November 7. The fact 
that Nader's populist message so threatened the Gore camp is, for Dunau, a 
clear sign that the Greens are on the right track.

"What was a theoretical issue throughout the campaign," Dunau says 
emphatically, leaning back in his chair, "has in fact become a reality - 
that Bush might get elected because Nader ran. The Democrats in New York 
are realizing that what happened to Al Gore could happen here. To the 
Democrats, the Greens are a pain in the ass. We make them look bad. That's 
a good first step. But that also means that the Democrats are going to come 
after us. What happened in this election will be played out in spades in 2004."

Dunau sketches his vision for the future of the Greens.

"Most Greens here in New York and around the country are still convinced 
that they need to have a famous personality to get support," says Dunau. 
"I'm convinced that the Greens need to stay focused on issues and not 
personalities. The only way we can break through is to focus on issues by 
proposing specific legislation - for example, by advocating a no 
involuntary spray act. The government does not have the right to spray 
synthetic chemicals on people or their dwellings for mosquito control. Or 
we could push for a Labor Sovereignty Act - the government should not be 
trading with nations in which union organizing is illegal and punishable by 
imprisonment. Make the bills short and clear, and let everyone know where 
we stand. I believe that's the only thing that's going to give the Greens a 
nationwide or even state-wide focus."

"In America we live in the belly of the beast," Dunau says. "We are the 
most propagandized people in the history of the planet. The Greeks came up 
with a fantastic word 2,500 years ago, which is pandemonium - confusion by 
noise. The media and politicians understand it today, better than ever. If 
you make enough noise, no one gets heard except the loudest noise makers. 
Well, the Greens can't be the loudest noise- makers right now. All we can 
do is have a clear signal."

Reach Out

Other Green leaders around New York agree with Dunau's formula. Roger 
Snyder serves as the New York Green Party's membership coordinator and is 
Secretary of the Suffolk County Greens. He was also a candidate for State 
Assembly this year. He admits having received some memorable correspondence 
during the election.

"I got some pretty nasty phone calls and emails," the forty-four-year-old 
Long Island resident says. "A lot of people were mad, accusing Nader of 
ruining the election for Gore. But I never saw Nader as a spoiler. You go 
to the polls and vote for who you want; it's that simple. And I think Nader 
was successful. Even the attacks he got from the Democrats worked in our 
favor because it gave the Greens more publicity. To build a party you've 
got to be known, and get your issues out there. Six months ago I could have 
talked to people who didn't know the Green Party even existed. Now they 
know it's here, but they're not quite sure what it is. That's why it's our 
job to educate people."

Topping Snyder's agenda: "The main goals right now are public education, 
communication, and empowerment. Getting people enrolled and running 
candidates are means to these ends. We've got to reach all the people who 
voted for Nader but don't know much about the Green Party; people who think 
we're just environmentalists and nothing else. Our job now is to reach out 
to those people."

Rachel Treichler, a prominent member of the party's State Committee of New 
York, concurs that the Greens are entering a critical phase of 
communication. "We're in the process now of putting together a party 
structure that better reflects the tremendous growth we've experienced over 
the last year," the forty-nine-year-old book store owner explains. "In the 
wake of Nader's campaign, we have a great opportunity for educating people 
about Green issues - issues the Republicans and Democrats won't even 
acknowledge. The most important thing is getting interested people 
registered with their local Greens and plugged in to our activist network."

Here We Come

"If the recent election showed us anything," David Albano says, "it's that 
the Democratic Party needs the Progressives to win. The Democrats moved to 
the center, beginning with Clinton, and that helped them get votes. But 
they abandoned progressives in the process. But now they know they need 
us." The thirty-five-year-old Albano, a high school teacher, is Chairperson 
of the Lower Hudson Valley Greens.

"I think November 8 was our important day," he emphasizes. "That's when our 
work really started. It has been amazing to me to see all the new people 
that have been coming out of the woodwork to get involved. I know now that 
we will win local elections. We've got an energized corps of people. We've 
got the right message. A lot of what we need is already in place to run 
very strong local elections. Here we come."

Albano says his sights are set on November 2001, when local offices across 
New York will be up for grabs. "Then there's the gubernatorial race in 
2002. That's critical. We've got to have a good showing then to keep our 
ballot status in the state."

Will the Greens need to rely on another recognizable personality to stand 
for Governor, like TV star Al Lewis in 1998?

"I want to say no," Albano says thoughtfully, "because I think we have the 
organization now to run an effective statewide campaign without someone 
who's a name. But we'll have to see how things go in the local elections 
next November. If we do need a big name, I think that would be unfortunate 
and a small step backwards."

Craig Seeman, the New York State Chair of the Green Party, insists that the 
recent election was a tremendous boost for the Greens across the state.

"We didn't get the federal funding. But our base is more charged and far 
more willing to get involved and do the work that needs to be done. One of 
our biggest concerns was whether the energy would dissipate after the 
campaign. But from what I've seen, it's been just the opposite. You know, 
for us in New York this was a very successful campaign. Over a quarter of a 
million New Yorkers voted for Nader, and who knows how many more people 
liked the message but didn't go so far as to vote for him. That's a huge 
pool of people that are receptive to our message. You're going to see many 
more viable Green Party candidates across the state next November."

In the last few weeks before the election, Nader and his supporters were 
bombarded with Democratic Party persuasion that the Greens were ultimately 
hurting progressive causes by not supporting Gore.

"All that propaganda was somewhat successful," Seeman admits. "It 
definitely cost Nader some votes. But overall, I think it failed. In the 
short run it may have caused some people to waffle, but in the long run it 
made it very clear what we're up against. People got to see that the 
political system under the two major parties is dirty, cutthroat, and 
anti-democratic. And one thing is certain, the fact that they came down so 
hard on the Nader campaign meant that we were making a difference. You 
don't get attacked unless you're doing something that threatens the system."

Seeman, a dedicated Green Party activist since 1993, says the immediate 
task is to pull that base of support together. "What we have to make sure 
of is that the election of 2000 was not about Nader. Look at the Reform 
Party - as soon as Ross Perot's not running it falls apart. But the Greens 
have a foundation that we've been building for many years. We have to 
solidify it now. Nader allowed us to see where are supporters are. We've 
got some districts in New York where Nader got more than 20% of the vote. 
We will be seeking those people out and letting them know that there is a 
place for them in the Green Party.

"We're not looking for people to drop their lives and devote it all to the 
Greens," Seeman says with a laugh. "Our goal is for people to participate 
in whatever way they can. You can begin by bringing up the issues with your 
friends and neighbors. I actually think that's one of the biggest problems 
in this country. In the U.S., the two things we're not supposed to talk 
about are religion and politics. But that has to change. People have to be 
willing to really talk about the issues that are important to them, at 
home, at the workplace, everywhere. Stop letting the TV talk for you."

Overcoming Complexity

Until now the biggest threat to the success of the Greens may have been 
themselves. The Party has been hampered by bitter, long-term rivalries 
between leftist, socialist greens and green capitalists.

Some members (loosely identified with the Greens/Green Party USA 
organization) advocate such socialist programs as the nationalization of 
major corporations and a cap on personal earnings. But other Greens 
(generally identified with the Association of State Green Parties, which 
sponsored Nader's run), would rather see aggressive regulation of big business.

Fluid, in-the-streets activism versus rule-bound electoral politics has 
also been a point of contention among Greens. Individuals on both sides of 
the divide agree that personality differences have exacerbated the problems 
over the years. But those old divides are being bridged as an increasing 
number of supporters flock to the Green movement. Nader himself says that 
the "two factions are coming together more and more. I think things are 
better now, in terms of unity in the Green Party, than they've been in 
fifteen years."

As the Greens seek common ground and restructure their national 
organization to reflect compromise, one important fact emerges: like any 
other political party or activist group, the Greens are not monolithic. 
They represent a broad range of viewpoints and issues. They are united, 
however, in their commitment to social change that empowers the 
disenfranchised, strengthens democracy, and improves the ecological 
vitality of our environments. Far from being a liability, the range of 
views now being brought together under the Green umbrella may turn out to 
be one of its greatest sources of strength.

An eighteen-year supporter of the Green movement in the United States and 
one of the organizers of the Green Party in New York State, Mark Dunlea is 
encouraged by recent events.

"Part of the problem with the Greens," Dunlea explains, "being that it's 
the only real progressive alternative to the Democratic Party, is that it 
ends up pulling in a lot of different philosophies - a strong anarchist 
sentiment, green capitalists, green socialists, and progressive populists. 
Trying to accommodate all of them in one political party can be very 
complex and very frustrating. But in the eighteen years that I've been 
involved in the movement, the Greens have always moved forward. It has 
always gotten larger; it has always gotten stronger. It's been a slow but 
steady growth. Somehow the party always manages to overcome its internal 
disagreements. While the process is incredibly frustrating, it has never 
fallen back. It has gotten to the point now where we are the most 
successful, progressive third party in the United States in the last fifty 
years."

The Challenge

Syracuse-based Howie Hawkins, a veteran activist and nationally recognized 
Green Party leader, underscores the challenge now before the Greens.

"What have progressives won, really, since we stopped the war in Vietnam? 
What has labor won since it got the Wagner Act passed in 1936? What have 
blacks and other ethnic minorities got since the Voting Rights Act of 1965? 
What have women got since Roe v. Wade passed in the Supreme Court in 1973? 
Progressives are getting their butts kicked in the Democratic Party. It's 
an abusive relationship; and it's long past time to go.

"Establishment liberals," Hawkins continues, "have vested career and 
financial interests in the success of the Democratic Party. But they're not 
winning anything. We need an independent political movement that can 
articulate progressive positions clearly, without compromise. The Democrat 
Party liberals are whining and crying because the Greens have upset their 
little game. No longer can the progressive vote be taken for granted."

"We're the underdog party," Hawkins says with pride. "But we're the only 
party that's fighting for the underdogs. The Democrats still have that 
aura, but it's completely false. It's a scam. The Greens understand that. 
Our task now is to get the average New Yorker to see that."

A resident of East Hampton, New York, Ron Stanchfield is a member of the 
Green's State Committee and serves on the Association of State Green 
Parties' national Transition Committee. Stanchfield and Hawkins are united 
in their appreciation of the formidable task now before them.

"Quite frankly, if the last three weeks of the election are any sign," 
Stanchfield warns, "I think the Democrats are planning to come down on us 
hard. They understand now what impact Nader had on the election, and they 
understand what the impact of the Green movement would be. They know that 
we will not be bought off. But we'll meet that challenge. I think in about 
three years and especially when we go into the next presidential race, 
we're going to get a full frontal attack by the Democrats. I'm not sure how 
it will manifest itself, but I think it could get pretty ugly." "We've 
gotten about three million people around the country that get it," he says. 
"They see what's going on. We're approaching critical mass. At some point 
it will be generally known; everyone will get it. Change will come. That's 
our mission. It's emerging. It's happening."


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